Duh to you, and yes. But that isn't what I was thinking.

RBJ is married? And 33?

Here I was thinking he was this late-20s bachelor-extrordanaire (I can't spell :().

That's what you get for watching the porn version of his biography

You know, the question still remains. All girls have it in 'em, what exactly?

There is no causative link, there never has been and there never will be. What there is is a tremendous corollation between sex offenders and extreme / illegal pornography. But that's like using the fact that some criminals use guns as a justification for outlawing private possession of firearms. Which I suppose is another kettle of tard I've just set on the boil, but hey.

Most other research data we have about pornography and rape suggest that the link between them is more than weak. Our knowledge about the contents, the uses and the users of pornography suggests that pornography does not represent a blueprint for rape, but is essentially an aphrodisiac, that is, food for the sexual fantasy of personsmostly maleswho like to masturbate.
The policy implications of this conclusion are, of course open to debate. But as mentioned earlier, the mainstream attitude would seem to be a combination of two movements:
= to reduce the area of total prohibition and censorship to a minimum; and
= to implement a variety of restrictions, suitable to each form of pornography, in
order to obtain maximum protection of children, and of adults who want no confrontation with
the material.

Consumption and Effects
Virtually all reviews of the research on the potential connections between pornography and sexual violence suggest there is evidence for some limited effects on male consumers but no way to reach definitive conclusions. If one is looking for direct causal links in a traditional science model, this is likely to be a permanent assessment; it is difficult to imagine research methods that could provide more compelling data and conclusions. However, if we expand the scope of the inquiry, other insights are possible (Boyle, 2000). Three basic types of studies have emerged in the search for an answer to the question about the relationship between pornography and violence, two of which are within the traditional science model and of limited value. First, a few large-scale studies have investigated the correlation of the availability of pornography to rates of violence, with mixed results (Kutchinsky, 1991; Jaffee & Strauss, 1987). The complexity of confounding variables and the imprecision of measures make these studies of extremely
limited value. Second, experimental studies in the laboratory have been constructed to investigate directly the question of causal links. A typical study might expose groups of subjects to different types or levels of sexually explicit material for comparison to a control group that views non-sexual material. Researchers look for significant differences between attitudes toward rape. From such controlled testing — measuring the effect of an experimental stimulus (exposure to pornography) on a dependent variable (attitudes toward women or sex) in randomly
selected groups —researchers make claims, usually tentative, about causal relationships.
One of the most thorough reviews of the experimental literature by leading researchers in the field concluded, “if a person has relatively aggressive sexual inclinations resulting from various personal and/or cultural factors, some pornography exposure may activate and reinforce associated coercive tendencies and behaviors” (Malamuth, Addison, & Koss, 2000, p. 81). The authors also pointed out that “high pornography use is not necessarily indicative of high risk for sexual aggression” (p. 79). Another large-scale literature review also concluded that men predisposed toward violence are most likely to show effects from viewing pornography and
that men not predisposed are unlikely to show effects (Seto, Maric, & Barbarre, 2001, p. 46).
While this experimental work sometimes offers interesting hints at how pornography works in regard to men's sexual behavior, it suffers from several serious problems that limit its value. First, the measures of men's attitudes toward women, such as answers to questions about the appropriate punishment for rapists, do not necessarily tell us anything about men's willingness to rape. Men often view their sexually aggressive or violent behavior not as aggression or violence but as “just sex.” In other words, men who rape often condemn rape, which they see as something other men do (Koss, 1988). Also, sexual behavior is a complicated mix of cognitive, emotional, and physical responses, and the answers one gives to a survey may or may not accurately reflect that mix.[.....]
Based both on the lab research and such interviews, Diana Russell has argued that pornography is a causal factor in the way that it can: (1) predispose some males to desire rape or intensify this desire; (2) undermine some males' internal inhibitions against acting out rape desires; (3) undermine some males' social inhibitions against acting out rape desires; and (4) undermine some potential victims' abilities to avoid or resist rape (Russell, 1998, p. 121).
Even without making claims that strong, the public testimony of women (MacKinnon &
Dworkin, 1997), my interviews with pornography users and sex offenders, and various other researchers' work, have led me to conclude that pornography can: (1) be an important factor in shaping a male-dominant view of sexuality; (2) be used to initiate victims and break down their resistance to unwanted sexual activity; (3) contribute to a user's difficulty in separating sexual fantasy and reality; and (4) provide a training manual for abusers (Dines & Jensen, 2004). Consider the following reports and what they tell us about the relationship between pornography and behavior:
- From a woman involved in street prostitution, who reported that when one john exploded at
her he said: “I know all about you bitches, you're no different; you're like all of them. I seen it in all the movies. You love being beaten. [He then began punching the victim violently.] I just seen it again in that flick. He beat the shit out of her while he raped her and she told him she loved it; you know you love it; tell me you love it” (Silbert & Pines, 1984, p. 864).
- From a woman, interviewed in a study of sexual assault: “My husband enjoys pornographic movies. He tries to get me to do things he finds exciting in movies. They include twosomes and threesomes. I always refuse. Also, I was always upset with his ideas about putting objects in my vagina, until I learned this is not as deviant as I used to think. He used to force me or put whatever he enjoyed into me” (Russell, 1980, p. 226).
And from three different men in my study who had been convicted of sex offenses (Dines, Jensen, & Russo, 1998):
- From a 34-year-old man who had raped women and sexually abused girls: “There was a lot of oral sex that I wanted her to perform on me. There were, like, ways that would entice it in the movies, and I tried to use that on her, and it wouldn't work. Sometimes I'd get frustrated, and that's when I started hitting her. ... I used a lot of force, a lot of direct demands, that in the
movies women would just cooperate. And I would demand stuff from her. And if she didn't, I'd start slapping her around” (p. 124).
- From a 41-year-old man who had sexually abused his stepdaughter: “In fact, when I'd be abusing my daughter, I'd be thinking about some women I saw in a video. Because if I was to open my eyes and see my stepdaughter laying there while I was abusing her, you know, that
wouldn't have been very exciting for me. You know, that would bring me back to the painful
reality that I'm a child molester, where I'm in this reality of I'm making love or having intercourse with this beautiful woman from the video. The video didn't even come into my mind. It was just this beautiful person who had a beautiful body, and she was willing to do anything I asked” (p. 126).
- From a 24-year-old man who had sexually abused young girls while working as a school bus driver: “When I was masturbating to these pornography things, I would think about certain girls I had seen on the bus or ones I had sold drugs to, and I would think as I was looking at these pictures in these books, what would it be like to have this girl or whoever doing this, what
I'm thinking about. ... Just masturbating to the thought wasn't getting it for me anymore. I actually had to be a part of it, or actually had to do something about it. ... Like sometimes after I'd see like a certain load of kids would get off the bus, I'd pick out a couple and I'd watch them or stop and look at the mirror and stare at them and stuff like that. I would think, later on in
the day, I'd masturbate to some pornography, I'd just use that picture kind of as a mental, it's kind of a scenery or whatever, and I'd put in my mind I'd put myself and whoever at the time I was thinking about, in that picture” (p. 128-129).

When there are people who get sexually excited by the bra and panty section of the Sears catalogue, I think it's probably too difficult to define "pornography" by its effects on people. "Sexually explicit material" as a definer is sketchy as well -- I don't recall anyone reading Burroughs or Anais Nin and then going out for a rape.

Incidentally I study media sciences and I can tell you that for every study that finds a connection between media influence and and the behavior of consumers there are three that don't find this connection.
All in all it's far from conclusive, almost all of the studies are biased in one way or another. And even if some are not, people who have an agenda will pick the ones that fit their cause from this rubble.

blerp...blerp....blerp... wank...wank...wank...